MYRON GEKAS
EXCERPT FROM
THE FILM “ELEFSINA”
BY T. PAPAGIANNIDIS
THEY
FIRED
AT THE
WORKERS
The impact of the strike of 1929 in Elefsina resonated beyond the city, contributing to broader political changes within Greece.
In reference to the events at Elefsina, Venizelos had stated that there were "communist actors" and a "communist center in Athens which organizes and directs the strikes", and that “if the subversive actions persist, the government shall take more general measures”.
These "more general measures" produced law 4229 "On security measures of the social regime and the protection of the liberties of its citizens" which, although it had already been put forward for discussion in December 1928, was eventually passed in summer 1929, after the strikes in Elefsina, Lavrio, and Piraeus.
The events of 1929 also triggered wider political fermentations amidst the workers of Elefsina. As told by Myronas Gekas:
Before the great strike of '29, Rizospastis sold 5-6 issues in Elefsina; that's how many communists we were at the time. During the days of the strike, do you know how many issues were sold? Three hundred.
A few years later, the labour movement grew in power all over Greece, and particularly in Elefsina.
The Workers’ Center of Elefsina was founded in 1934. In the parliamentary elections of 1935, the Communist Party of Greece, under the direction of secretary general Nikos Zachariadis, received 9.59% of the total votes. The labour movement in Elefsina kept growing in strength.
In an incident during the great strike of 1936, strikers were gathered at the tavern of Marougas and mounted gendarmes entered the tavern in order to drive them out. "Panagiotis grabbed the crossbar of the front door and clubbed one of them. He then ran away and hid. Scabs were burning cement sacks to show that smoke was rising from the stacks! They thought that this would fool the strikers into believing that the strike had been broken."
MAGAZINE “DIALOGOI”, ISSUE No. 3
Regarding society at large, the town council of Elefsina created a strike fund to support the strikers. Seeking to bring the strike to an end, the management of TITAN raised the workers' salaries, but also began evicting them from the TITAN dwellings.
In June 1936, the strikers won a raise of the minimum wage from 52 to 60 drachmas, as well as the provision of financial support for the healthcare fund.
From the first days of the war, during the German occupation of 1940, the areas around Elefsina, such as Neraki, Loutropyrgos, and the railroad line connecting Elefsina to Corinth, were bombed by Italian aircraft.
According to Giorgos Milisis, prefectural secretary of the Greek National Liberation Front (EAM), during the great hunger of winter 1942 factory workers and dockworkers affiliated with EAM met with several people of "high social standing", such as the chairman of the Association of Professionals, the deputy manager of Votrys, an industrialist, and a retired army officer, at a small room which was rented for their organization next to the factories. They persuaded them to secure large quantities of food from the Red Cross in Athens. In the spring of 1942, the Food Line Service of Elefsina distributed up to 2.500 food portions to its residents.
Inevitably, the German occupation brought changes to industrial operations. The port died out and the factories were either shut down, floundered or requisitioned by the Germans.
The period starting from the liberation of Greece in 1944 up to and including the end of the Dictatorship in 1974 left a deep mark on the political and economic life of Greece. The Greek Civil War drew the attention of the United States. The Truman Doctrine, announced by the US in 1947, aimed at preventing the spread of Soviet influence in countries such as Greece and gradually consolidated the global American hegemony. In the eyes of the postwar US aid program, the dominant principles of the free market served as a guarantee for peace abroad.
From 1953 to 1973, industrial development was based on exploitation, cheap wages, and the suppression of workers' mobilization. After 1967, during the Colonels’ Junta, workers' demands and trade unions were subjected to further attempts at control and suppression. As told by Christos Spyropoulos:
"Employers found in the dictatorship the solution to all their problems. No one could be appointed to a union’s administrative board, unless they were approved by the military commander."